聯邦論-導讀注釋版-英文 亞歷山大.漢密爾頓 詹姆斯.麥迪遜 9787532787036 【台灣高等教育出版社】

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書名:聯邦論-導讀注釋版-英文
ISBN:9787532787036
出版社:上海譯文
著編譯者:亞歷山大.漢密爾頓 詹姆斯.麥迪遜
叢書名:世界學術經典系列
頁數:720
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編輯推薦
適讀人群 :美國歷史研究者、政治學者
《聯邦論》是美國政治理論的經典著作,亦是研究美國憲法最重要的歷史文獻之一。它在如下四個方面奠定了其學術地位和影響力:一是解釋了建立聯邦政府的諸多裨益,清晰而有力地論證了聯邦制的巨大優勢;二是指出了《聯邦條例》在組建、運行政府方面的缺陷;三是分析了新憲法在實現聯邦制與憲法制上的巨大作用;四是闡明並揭示了自由政府的裨益和可能引發的危險。

內容簡介
《聯邦論》是一部為美國新憲法全面辯護的著作,它分析了憲法和建立聯邦政府所依據的原則,闡明了建立聯邦制共和國的必要性和優越性。在國家機關的權力分配上,《聯邦論》主張三權分立,相互制衡。本書認為需要建立中央相對集權的強大的聯邦政府,以保證政治上的統一,實現國內安定,促進經濟繁榮,但也不過多地侵犯各州和個人的權利。一般認為,它是對一直沿用到今天的美利堅合眾國憲法和聯邦政府所依據的原則的精解說明。

作者簡介
亞歷山大•漢密爾頓(Alexander Hamilton,1757-1804),美國首任財政部長,開國元勛之一,美國憲法的起草人之一。
導讀註釋者:王崢,英語語言文學博士,上海外國語大學講師。發表學術論文8篇;專著一部;參編教材/詞典3部;主持科研項目4項;教學獲獎2次、學術獲獎2次。

目錄
目錄】:
導 讀
— 001 —
Note on Text
— 001 —
Contents of the Federalist
— 003 —
No 1: Hamilton
— 021 —
No 2: Jay
— 028 —
No 3: Jay
— 035 —
No 4: Jay
— 041 —
No 5: Jay
— 047 —
No 6: Hamilton
— 052 —
No 7: Hamilton
— 061 —
No 8: Hamilton
— 070 —
No 9: Hamilton
— 078 —
No 10: Madison
— 085 —
No 11: Hamilton
— 096 —
No 12: Hamilton
— 105 —
No 13: Hamilton
— 113 —
No 14: Madison
— 117 —
No 15: Hamilton
— 124 —
No 16: Hamilton
— 135 —
No 17: Hamilton
— 142 —
No 18: Madison (with Hamilton)
— 148 —
No 19: Madison (with Hamilton)
— 156 —
No 20: Madison (with Hamilton)
— 163 —
No 21: Hamilton
— 169 —
No 22: Hamilton
— 176 —
No 23: Hamilton
— 188 —
No 24: Hamilton
— 194 —
No 25: Hamilton
— 201 —
No 26: Hamilton
— 208 —
No 27: Hamilton
— 216 —
No 28: Hamilton
— 221 —
No 29: Hamilton
— 226 —
No 30: Hamilton
— 234 —
No 31: Hamilton
— 241 —
No 32: Hamilton
— 247 —
No 33: Hamilton
— 252 —
No 34: Hamilton
— 258 —
No 35: Hamilton
— 265 —
No 36: Hamilton
— 272 —
No 37: Madison
— 281 —
No 38: Madison
— 290 —
No 39: Madison
— 300 —
No 40: Madison
— 308 —
No 41: Madison
— 318 —
No 42: Madison
— 330 —
No 43: Madison
— 339 —
No 44: Madison
— 350 —
No 45: Madison
— 359 —
No 46: Madison
— 366 —
No 47: Madison
— 374 —
No 48: Madison
— 383 —
No 49: Madison
— 390 —
No 50: Madison
— 396 —
No 51: Madison
— 400 —
No 52: Madison
— 406 —
No 53: Madison
— 412 —
No 54: Madison
— 419 —
No 55: Madison
— 425 —
No 56: Madison
— 431 —
No 57: Madison
— 436 —
No 58: Madison
— 443 —
No 59: Hamilton
— 450 —
No 60: Hamilton
— 456 —
No 61: Hamilton
— 463 —
No 62: Probably Madison
— 468 —
No 63: Probably Madison
— 475 —
No 64: Jay
— 484 —
No 65: Hamilton
— 491 —
No 66: Hamilton
— 497 —
No 67: Hamilton
— 504 —
No 68: Hamilton
— 510 —
No 69: Hamilton
— 515 —
No 70: Hamilton
— 524 —
No 71: Hamilton
— 534 —
No 72: Hamilton
— 539 —
No 73: Hamilton
— 546 —
No 74: Hamilton
— 553 —
No 75: Hamilton
— 557 —
No 76: Hamilton
— 563 —
No 77: Hamilton
— 569 —
No 78: Hamilton
— 575 —
No 79: Hamilton
— 584 —
No 80: Hamilton
— 588 —
No 81: Hamilton
— 596 —
No 82: Hamilton
— 608 —
No 83: Hamilton
— 613 —
No 84: Hamilton
— 630 —
No 85: Hamilton
— 643 —
The Constitution of The United States of America (Collated
with The Federalist Papers)
— 651 —
術語彙編與簡釋
— 677 —

精彩書摘
精彩書摘】:
No 1: Hamilton
AFTER an unequivocal1 experience of the inefficacy2 of the subsisting3 federal government, you are called upon to deliberate on a new Constitution for the United States of America The subject speaks its own importance; comprehending in its consequences nothing less than the existence of the UNION, the safety and welfare of the parts of which it is composed, the fate of an empire in many respects the most interesting in the world It has been frequently remarked that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country, by their conduct4 and example, to decide the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions on accident and force If there be any truth in the remark, the crisis at which we are arrived may with propriety5 be regarded as the era in which that decision is to be made; and a wrong election of the part we shall act may, in this view, deserve to be considered as the general misfortune of mankind
This idea will add the inducements6 of philanthropy7 to those of patriotism, to heighten the solicitude8 which all considerate and good men must feel for the event Happy will it be if our choice should be directed by a judicious1 estimate of our true interests, unperplexed2 and unbiased by considerations not connected with the public good
But this is a thing more ardently to be wished than seriously to be expected The plan offered to our deliberations affects too many particular interests, innovates upon too many local institutions, not to involve in its discussion a variety of objects foreign3 to its merits, and of views, passions, and prejudices little favorable to the discovery of truth
Among the most formidable4 of the obstacles which the new Constitution will have to encounter may readily be distinguished the obvious interest of a certain class of men in every State to resist all changes which may hazard5 a diminution6 of the power, emolument7 , and consequence of the offices they hold

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